Trawling
nets the innocent MORE THAN THREE YEARS ago (July 1999), the
New Statesman exposed the scandal of police 'trawling' to
investigate alleged sexual abuse. Instead of waiting for victims to come
forward and make complaints, we reported that the police are now
setting set out to find allegations by contacting as many former residents
of care homes as they can. Now, the House of Commons Home
Affairs Committee, after a three-month inquiry, has concluded that such
trawling operations have led to 'a new genre of miscarriages of justice'.
This witness resisted the temptation
to make a false allegation. Other witnesses do not. ‘I am in
no doubt,’ said the chairman of the Committee, Chris Mullin, ‘that a
number of innocent people have been convicted and that many other innocent
people, who have not been convicted, have had their lives ruined.’ During
the inquiry it was suggested by a solicitor that more than a hundred
former care workers had been wrongly convicted as a result of trawling
operations. In a single sentence Tony Blair
himself has already turned traditional ideas of justice upside down by
saying, in a speech earlier this year, that the ‘biggest miscarriage of
justice in today’s system is when the guilty walk away
unpunished’. In its pursuit of
convictions at all costs the government has proposed, in its White Paper,
Justice for all, that restrictions on the admission of prejudicial
similar fact evidence (such as details of previous convictions) should be
relaxed still further. What it seems not to
have recognised is that the clamour to obtain convictions by removing
safeguards against injustice is not new. It has been going on for the best
part of a century and a series of legal ‘reforms’ has permitted the
admission of evidence which is both unreliable and massively prejudicial.
This has already led to a perversion of justice on a scale which
would once have been unimaginable. By implicitly
recognising this, and by putting forward recommendations which point in
exactly the opposite direction from those indicated in the White Paper,
Chris Mullin and the Home Affairs Committee have offered compelling
reasons for the government to re-think. It is vital that the Home Office, which has seemed intent on steering towards the rocks of an even greater judicial disaster, recognises this and takes the opportunity created by this new report to change course. Members of Parliament from all three parties should encourage it to do so. A shorter version of this article appeared in
the New Statesman on 8 November
2002. © Richard Webster, 2002 www.richardwebster.net
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